Ireland has joined a growing coalition of European Union member states pressing for stricter enforcement of the bloc's migration rules, calling for asylum seekers to be returned to the country where they first entered the EU. The move adds to mounting friction between Rome and Berlin over the handling of Mediterranean crossings and the role of private rescue vessels.
Dublin's position, confirmed this week, aligns it with six other member states—including Sweden, which recently backed similar returns to Italy—in demanding that so-called 'Dublin cases' be sent back to the nation of first arrival. These are migrants who travel onward within the Schengen area without lodging an asylum claim in the country they first reached.
Sea Watch 5 detained in Naples
The most visible flashpoint remains the Mediterranean, where Italian authorities have clamped down on NGO rescue operations. On Sunday, it emerged that the German-flagged vessel Sea Watch 5 had been placed under a 45-day administrative detention order in Naples and fined €7,500. Italian officials accuse the crew of failing to coordinate with the Libyan coastguard, a charge the NGO strongly denies.
Interior Minister Matteo Piantedosi reiterated that all rescue operations must be directed exclusively by the competent state authorities. The NGO, however, argues that the Libyan maritime rescue coordination centre is a "puppet authority" that legitimises smugglers and armed men who, according to the crew, threatened them with rifles shortly after a rescue and ordered them to leave the area. "We informed Italy and neighbouring European countries," the organisation told Italian media, "but not the so-called Libyan maritime rescue coordination centre."
The detention has sharpened the dispute between Rome and Berlin. Germany has been pressing for the readmission of Dublin cases, while Italy objects to what it sees as the pull factor created by German NGO vessels operating off its coast. A bilateral meeting between Piantedosi and his German counterpart, Alexander Dobrindt, is scheduled for next month to try to bridge the gap.
Compensation mechanism on the table
One proposal under discussion is a compensation mechanism that would balance the number of transfers requested by Germany with the number of migrants rescued by private vessels. Piantedosi said he and Dobrindt shared the view that NGO activity acts as a "pull factor" for irregular migration—a claim the NGOs reject, pointing instead to the dangers of leaving people to drown.
The Italian minister also defended his government's broader record, citing a reduction in sea landings and a doubling of returns thanks to agreements with Tunisia and Libya. He dismissed opposition criticism as a "confusion foul" devoid of substance. On Dublin cases, he claimed a shift under Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni: after years of inertia under previous administrations, Italy has blocked the return of 80,000 migrants, reducing actual transfers to negligible figures.
While acknowledging that Rome would have preferred stricter rules, Italy appears to defend the new EU Pact on Migration and Asylum as a paradigm shift that introduces structural, mandatory solidarity for countries of first entry. Yet the current misunderstandings over responsibility for migrants risk undermining that mechanism before it is fully implemented.
The European Commission is closely monitoring Italy's stance, aware that without Rome's cooperation, the pact—which came into force on 12 August—could fail. Hungary and Poland already face infringement procedures for rejecting the reform. The standoff over Sea Watch 5 and the broader question of returns will test whether the EU can move from paper to practice.
