Serbia's parliamentary elections have delivered a result that will likely be remembered as one of the most consequential turning points in the country's modern history. The Student List, a movement born from months of protests, has secured a landslide victory, winning 140 of the 250 seats in the National Assembly and an outright majority. The Serbian Progressive Party (SNS), which has dominated the country's politics since 2012, won 104 seats and will now sit in opposition for the first time in nearly a decade and a half.
This is not merely a change of government. It represents the collapse of a political order that has defined Serbia since Aleksandar Vučić and his allies first took power. For over a decade, the SNS controlled the executive, commanded large parliamentary majorities, dominated local politics, and, through an extensive network of institutional and political alliances, effectively set the boundaries of political competition. Traditional opposition parties repeatedly tried to break that dominance, but each attempt ended in failure.
A victory forged in protest
The paradox of this political earthquake is that the SNS was not defeated by the established opposition. It was defeated by students. The Student List has transformed itself from a protest movement into the country's dominant political force, converting social revolt into electoral legitimacy. In doing so, it achieved what Serbia's traditional opposition could not: it directly dismantled Vučić's political monopoly.
The result should therefore be read as a referendum on 14 years of SNS rule. A large share of the electorate did not vote for a particular candidate or programme; they voted against a model of governance that had become synonymous with personalised politics, concentrated power, institutional capture, and deep social polarisation. The student movement managed to unite diverse grievances—from demands for accountability and the rule of law to broader calls for political renewal.
The scale of the shift is underscored by the fact that no other small party managed to cross the three-per-cent electoral threshold. Serbia's traditional party landscape has effectively been reduced to two dominant forces: the Student List and the SNS. Parties that had been a permanent fixture of parliamentary life have been wiped out, while the Student List has won enough seats to govern alone.
Minority alliances shattered
Equally significant is the disruption of Serbia's traditional minority politics. For nearly 15 years, most minority parties were among Vučić's most reliable allies, with the notable exception of the Albanian bloc, which never joined his coalition. These elections suggest that even this political geography has been seriously shaken.
The Alliance of Vojvodina Hungarians (SVM), a long-standing SNS partner, won only three of the five seats it had hoped to secure. This decline points to a significant shift in sentiment among Vojvodina's Hungarian community, with many voters apparently backing the Student List instead. Similarly, only two Bosniak representatives will enter parliament—one from a group that previously cooperated with Vučić and one from a traditionally opposition movement. The new parliament will also include two representatives of the Albanian coalition, a community that has never collaborated with Vučić's government.
The old system of alliances has been fundamentally weakened. For years, Vučić's rule relied on a broad network of allies—from minority parties to smaller coalition partners. That network has now either disappeared or been reduced to a minimum.
International reactions and the European dimension
The scale of the change was reflected in the first international reactions. The Student List received congratulations from senior European figures, including European Council President António Costa, European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, and Enlargement Commissioner Marta Kos. Hungarian Prime Minister Péter Magyar also offered his congratulations.
These reactions carry considerable weight. Brussels has long monitored Serbia's domestic political situation, particularly issues of rule of law, institutional functioning, electoral conditions, and the relationship between government, opposition, and civil society. The fact that senior European officials were among the first to congratulate the winner signals that the Student List's victory is being viewed as a possible opening of a new chapter in Serbia's relationship with the European Union.
Magyar's gesture is especially symbolic. Hungary, under Viktor Orbán, has been one of Vučić's closest allies within the EU—though Orbán himself was defeated in April this year. A new political reality in Serbia could therefore have consequences not only for the country's domestic politics but also for the broader regional balance, as the EU seeks a reset with Hungary and navigates a shifting political landscape in the Western Balkans.
For now, the immediate focus is on the transition. The Student List must form a government and begin addressing the grievances that propelled it to power. The task is immense: restoring public trust in institutions, tackling corruption, and redefining Serbia's path toward European integration. But the election has already sent a clear message: the era of Vučić's unchallenged dominance is over.
