Brussels is quietly reallocating staff and expertise to keep up with Moldova's unusually rapid reform tempo, even as the country's formal accession process remains locked in a political coupling with Ukraine's stalled bid. The European Commission's move reflects both the promise and the fragility of Chisinau's European trajectory.
A small country, an outsized reform agenda
Moldova, a country of roughly 2.5 million people wedged between Romania and Ukraine, has emerged as one of the EU's most energetic enlargement candidates. Under President Maia Sandu, the government in Chișinău has pushed through judicial overhauls, anti-corruption measures, and public administration reforms at a pace that has surprised even seasoned EU officials. The Commission's directorate-general for enlargement has had to pull in experts from other departments to handle the volume of screening sessions and technical assessments.
One senior EU official, speaking on condition of anonymity, told European Pulse: "We have never seen a candidate move this fast. The challenge is not a lack of political will in Chișinău; it is our own capacity to keep up."
The Commission's scramble is not merely administrative. It reflects a strategic bet that Moldova can serve as a proof of concept for a region where EU enlargement has often been a story of stalled negotiations and unmet benchmarks. If Moldova can sustain its momentum, Brussels can point to a tangible success story—one that contrasts sharply with the deadlock elsewhere in the Western Balkans.
The Ukraine knot
Yet Moldova's fate remains tied to Ukraine's, a coupling that was formalised when both countries were granted candidate status in June 2022. The logic was political: to signal solidarity with Kyiv after Russia's full-scale invasion. But the practical consequence is that Moldova's progress is hostage to Hungary's objections to Ukraine's accession talks, particularly over minority rights in western Ukraine.
Budapest has repeatedly blocked the opening of accession chapters with Ukraine, citing the treatment of the Hungarian-speaking community in the Zakarpattia region. As long as that impasse persists, Moldova cannot move ahead on its own, even though its bilateral relations with Hungary are cordial. The Commission has tried to decouple the two tracks administratively, but member states have been reluctant to break the political symmetry.
"We are in a paradoxical situation," said a diplomat from a Nordic member state. "Moldova is doing everything right, but it is being held back by a dispute that has nothing to do with its own reforms."
Resources stretched thin
The Commission's internal reallocation has meant pulling officials from other dossiers, including the Western Balkans, to work on Moldova. Some in Brussels worry that this could slow down other enlargement processes, particularly in Serbia and Montenegro, where negotiations have been dragging for years. The EU's recent warning to Serbia over the glorification of Ratko Mladić shows that the bloc is still trying to manage multiple fronts simultaneously.
Moldova's reform drive has also drawn attention to the broader question of EU capacity. The Commission's enlargement team is relatively small, and the technical work required for accession—screening laws, assessing institutional capacity, and monitoring implementation—is immense. "We are asking a handful of people to do the work of a much larger team," said a Commission official involved in the process.
Some member states have suggested creating a dedicated enlargement fund to hire more staff, but budget negotiations are slow. In the meantime, the Commission is relying on seconded national experts and short-term contracts to fill the gaps.
Political will versus institutional reality
Moldova's government has shown remarkable resilience, even as it faces hybrid threats from Russia and a fragile energy situation. The country's EU accession talks formally began in December 2023, and the screening process is expected to be completed by mid-2025. But the pace of reforms on the ground has outstripped the EU's ability to process them.
"The Moldovans are doing their homework faster than we can grade it," said a former EU ambassador to Chișinău. "That is a good problem to have, but it requires a structural response."
The Commission's scramble is also a signal to other candidates: speed matters. For years, the EU has been criticised for not rewarding reform efforts quickly enough. Moldova's case may force a rethink of how the bloc manages enlargement, particularly if it wants to maintain credibility in the Western Balkans and beyond.
Yet the political coupling with Ukraine remains the elephant in the room. As long as Hungary's veto persists, Moldova's progress will be capped. The recent moves by Budapest to unlock EU funds suggest that the Orbán government is willing to negotiate on some fronts, but minority rights in Ukraine remain a red line.
For now, the Commission is doing what it can: reallocating staff, streamlining procedures, and hoping that the political logjam breaks before Moldova's reform momentum fades. As one EU official put it, "We are running to stand still, but at least we are running."
